Raja MUHAMMAD ALIAS' lifetime dedication to the Malaysian government and people is the natural outcome of his childhood. His father, Raja Muhammad Ali, was a subordinate officer in the government district office near the family's home in Kuala Pilah in the State of Negri Sembilan, Malaysia (then the British protectorate of Malaya). As a small boy by the side of his mother, Wan Su, ALIAS used to watch the British district of'ficer—the senior government official in the area— walk to and from work and dreamed of becoming a district officer himself one day, even though at that time the position was open primarily to Europeans.

Born on August 10, 1932 ALIAS was the second of nine children and the first son. This position in the family gave him a strong sense of responsibility and a desire for achievement. He remained at the top of his class throughout his primary school years in the Malay-language schools in Kuala Pilah, Dangi (1937-1938) and Kuala Pilah (1939-1942), as well as in the Japanese School in Kuala Pilah which he attended throughout the World War II occupation of Malaya (1943-1945).

During the war the boy frequently helped his father who retained his position in the district office under the Japanese. He often rode his bicycle out to the kampongs (villages) to deliver letters and there came to know the rural people. Farmers also came to their home to discuss their problems with his father and the boy became interested in their welfare. At this point he began to see government service as a means of helping his fellowman, not just as the most desirable position available.

After the war ALIAS continued his education in the English medium. He completed Tuanku Muhammad School in Kuala Pilah (1945-1952) second in his class and went to Seremban, the state capital, to finish his upper secondary education at King George V School, graduating in August 1954. His university studies were undertaken at the University of Malaya, then in Singapore, where he received a Bachelor of Arts with Honors in Geography in 1958. Throughout his secondary and university years he was on government stipends.

His sense of gratitude for government support of his education, plus his earlier inclination toward government service, led him to enter the Malayan Civil Service. His first assignment was in 1958 as Subdistrict Officer in Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaya, where he dealt with land applications from Chinese who had been resettled in "new villages" during the Emergency.

The Emergency, which lasted from 1948 to 1960, was proclaimed as a consequence of the revolt by the Malayan communists—primarily ethnic Chinese—who sought to overthrow the postwar Federation of Malaya. The hold of the communists over the countryside was broken by transferring isolated or unprotected communities—which had been forced to cooperate with the insurgents—to newly created villages.

When Malaya became fully independent of Britain in 1957 it had to deal with a backlog of some 116,000 land applications from settlers in the new villages and also the traditional rural settlements. ALIAS threw himself into-the work with the same energy with which he had attacked his academic assignments, sometimes even lending a hand in the demarcation of land plots. He managed to issue land titles to several thousand settlers in the district before he was transferred to Klang, in Selangor, the following year as Assistant District Officer. There he found himself again dealing primarily with pending land applications, this time mostly by Malays.

In 1960 ALIAS' boyhood ambition was fulfilled—he was appointed District Officer in Kajang, also in Selangor. The pressure of work was so great that he pushed his staff to the point of having them return to work at night. A newspaper reporter learned of this and wrote a story, casting the new district officer in an unfavorable light. The following day ALIAS was called in by the state secretary who pointed out that to force people to work overtime was against regulations. "I said they volunteered," he says wryly, but "of course they didn't." He made amends by giving his subordinates compensatory time off. At Kajang ALIAS also became involved in a state rural development project. Since the federal government was officially launching its own rural development plan the following year, many visitors were brought to observe the work being done in Kajang.

The next year ALIAS was again transferred, this time to Penang State as Principal Assistant State Secretary. Of his frequent promotions, ALIAS says he was lucky to serve under fine state secretaries and presumes he got good reports from them: "I don't think I did anything exceptional."

In Penang ALIAS found himself still working hard and still going to the office at night, although not forcing his staff to follow suit. He found time, however, to marry Hafsah bint Yusof, a schoolteacher, in December that year. Hafsah, although a Muslim, had attended a convent school in Singapore and then took teachers' training in Brinsford, England. She continued to teach after their marriage to provide the family with a supplementary salary; since 1975 she has been instructing at Convent Bukit Nanas in Kuala Lumpur.

In 1963, the year his first child, a daughter, was born, ALIAS attended a four-month Senior Officer's Course for civil servants in Oxford, England. He returned—to what was now the Federation of Malaysia—to become Principal Assistant Secretary in the Ministry of Defense in Kuala Lumpur. Early in 1965 he was transferred again, this time to become State Development Officer in Pahang State. Here he was in charge of the entire development operation of the state and reported directly to the Minister of Rural Development, Tun Abdul Razak (Ramon Magsaysay Awardee for Community Leaderhip, 1967). ALIAS' zeal and ability attracted Razak's attention and as a result ALIAS worked for the State of Pahang barely one year before he was asked to become Deputy Chairman for Development of the Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) which had just completed a feasibility study to undertake a comprehensive development program in the Jengka Triangle of Pahang.

FELDA had been started in 1956 as a "loans board" to help finance the land development and settlement projects undertaken by the states—in Malaysia the land belongs to the states, not to the federal government. Expansion in agriculture was considered a major national priority since the country's population was primarily rural and agriculture was the dominant economic sector. Private investors, however, who were mostly foreigners, were not only hesitant to extend their financial involvement in agriculture on the eve of independence, but private plantations were not felt by the government to be conducive to social improvement and political stability. Private agricultural estates did not allow for equitable distribution of income, nor could they fulfill the dire need for land among the people.

The sociopolitical motive was very important. ALIAS points out, "we are very close to Thailand and to Vietnam and unless we give land to the people we are going to have a lot of problems in the country." If the people who farm the land own it, however, and have income sufficient to support their families, the assumption is that they will feel a sense of gratitude and loyalty to the government that made it possible. ALIAS suggests that one of the reasons Malaysia has had the same political coalition in power since independence is that it has had a very good rural development program.

It soon became evident, however, that in its capacity as a simple loans board (1956-1961) FELDA was unable to meet the national goals in land development. Its activities were dependent on the speed and the extent to which the state governments would cooperate. Furthermore, FELDA had neither sufficient staff nor the power to set guidelines which were necessary to implement and coordinate the tasks required for accelerated land development—e.g. basic land surveys, and coordination between numerous government departments and agencies on both the state and federal levels.

Accordingly in 1961 the federal government decided that FELDA should implement land development and settlement directly by obtaining lands from the states for this purpose. The federal government was prepared to pay a flat price of M$25-50 per acre and a quit rent of M$6 per acre per year ever after, the latter to be borne by the settlers as a land tax.

Although FELDA's performance during its phase as a loans board was inevitably inadequate, the organization benefited from the lessons learned. For example, the settlers had originally been expected to clear the jungle, build their houses, and plant their crops themselves. It was found, however, that settlers were reluctant to give up their livelihoods, however insecure, to work in the harsh jungle, and even then, those who were willing were not necessarily capable. A competent farmer, FELDA discovered, was not necessarily a competent tree-feller or carpenter. Furthermore, the new settlers often did not have the technical expertise to plant their main crop, rubber, correctly. "A poor start," FELDA learned, "would mean poor yields throughout the very long lifespan of the rubber trees."

Therefore, during the First Development Phase of direct implementation of the projects (1961-1965), FELDA abandoned the old system and began hiring contractors to clear the land, build the settlement—which included houses, primary school, clinic, community center, mosque and piped water supply—and plant the main crop. Each settler received eight acres planted to either rubber or oil palm, two acres of subsidiary crop, usually fruit trees, and a house on a quarter-acre lot. During the three to five year waiting period until the trees were ripe for harvest, they planted their own vegetable gardens and worked at various maintenance projects, including weed and pest control and road repair. FELDA also introduced an experimental system of subsistence credits, or cash loans, intended to tide the settler over this waiting period.

FELDA experimented during these years with various plans to improve the settlers' livelihood and output. In order to establish a more uniform standard of agriculture, gotong-royong (mutual help) method was introduced whereby in the initial four years the settlers would work together in groups rather than as individuals on their smallholdings. This method facilitated technical training of the farmers and helped to ensure that the main crop would pass the critical period of growth under favorable conditions.

FELDA's experimental planting of oil palm during this period marked another radical departure. Oil palm was previously considered an unsuitable crop for smallholdings, since it requires greater quality control than rubber, as well as good organization to ensure proper harvesting and rapid transport from field to factory. FELDA's cooperative scheme enabled the small landholders in its projects to meet these demands. By the end of the First Development Phase there were more than 87,000 acres planted to rubber in 37 of its projects and 27,000 acres of oil palm in nine projects. Recognizing FELDA's capability in its new role as an executing agency, the federal government began to lay plans for large scale development programs, the first of which was to be in the Jengka Triangle in Pahang.

When ALIAS joined FELDA as Deputy Chairman at the beginning of its Second Development Phase (1966-1970), he found it to be, by his standards, insufficiently cohesive for a more dynamic role. Given a free hand by the chairman, Tan Sri Taib, who concentrated his own efforts on maintaining good relations between FELDA and the state and federal governments, ALIAS became in effect the executive director of the program, in charge of personnel, operations and policy. In 1969 he was given the title General Manager and the following year he was appointed Director General. When Datuk Musa Hitam—who had been his classmate—became Chairman in 1971, ALIAS continued to have the same management responsibilities. His role as chief executive was formally recognized in 1979 when he was appointed Group Chairman; since the departure of Tan Sri Taib in 1971 the position of Chairman had tended to be non-executive in nature. In all that time ALIAS' considerable skills were honed by only one professional course, the Advanced Management Program offered by Harvard Business School, which he attended under FELDA sponsorship in 1975.

When ALIAS joined the authority his first task, he later said, was to overhaul "the management, the organization and the effectiveness of the staff. That was a tough job." He first tackled the problem of the staff. The managerial level consisted largely of Europeans with plantation experience, who tended to look on the settlers as workers, rather than as the farmers and landowners they in fact were. Accordingly he set about recruiting both new staff and the people to train them. "I called on anybody who was prepared to help us," he said, and who had that rare quality—experience in community development. Eventually FELDA developed its own training facilities for field staff: it now boasts of one institute that provides a four to six month course for managers, two training centers, and five training schools for field assistants.

The enlarged staff was responsible for the expansion in land development which the Malaysian government required of FELDA. The five-year goal set by the government was the development of 141,000 acres in the Jengka Triangle and elsewhere—approximately 20 percent more than the previous five-year's achievements. Under ALIAS’ supervision FELDA exceeded the target by more than 25 percent.

In order to meet the land development targets set by the federal government FELDA has first to obtain land from the state governments. Senior FELDA staff meet with the chief ministers and members of the state legislatures and do "a lot of lobbying" to get sufficient tracts of land. Much of its success depends upon good contacts and good relations with the state governments. For the most part FELDA has found the state governments to be responsive, since the settlers-to-be are usually people from the state involved; while FELDA makes the selection, each state has the right to exclude—but not include—the name of any participant.

Among changes that took place during these five years has been the refinement of the system of subsistence loans that covered the period before the first harvest. These loans had been granted automatically, regardless of the settler's performance. However, since the object of the loan was to allow the settler to concentrate on the care of his newly planted main crop without having to worry about immediate livelihood, the authority decided not to provide the loans unless the settler had given satisfactory care to his crop. Another change was the decision to do away with the subsidiary crop holding, since the settlers had tended to neglect this plot rather than use it for supplemental income; all acreage would be planted to the main crop. Instead of restricting settlements to 5,000 acres, almost 75 percent of the acreage developed by FELDA during this five-year period was in 10,000 acres or more, most of it planted to oil palm.

The large tracts of land for the new settlements were farther from the main roads, often in virgin forest, unoccupied even by nomadic hill tribes. The timber was taken out before the land was turned over to FELDA. Although the development of these interior tracts required long access roads, they proved to be more economical in the long run. For example, one large palm oil factory could serve three to four times the number of acres that were previously served in smaller areas, and better infrastructure facilities, such as a secondary school and higher level health clinic, could be justifiably established to serve a larger population. Although this system called for communities of about 400 families, or four times the size of a traditional Malay village, FELDA felt the disruption in familiar life style was compensated for by the increase in services and security. It was also felt, according to ALIAS, that a return to the traditional mode of life might "jeopardize the effort to create commercially-oriented self-reliant communities."

Settlers in all FELDA schemes are chosen according to certain criteria. They have to be federal citizens and they must be married; some preference is given to large families because of their greater need. They may not have a criminal record, though those convicted of petty crimes are sometimes excused, depending on the circumstances of the crime. Wives of candidates are also interviewed for attitude, health and skills that might contribute to the community.

It costs about M$35,000 (US$17,000) to settle one family in a FELDA scheme. Of this, 30 percent is paid by the government, and 70 percent is a loan to be repaid by the settler at 6.25 percent interest. The settler has 20 years to repay his loan, or 15 years from the date of the first harvesting or tapping of his crop. The repayment rate has been excellent: 90-100 percent in the case of oil palm growers and 80-90 percent in the case of rubber planters. The latter shortfall is caused by the severe fluctuations of the price of rubber on the world market. Since FELDA's object is the eradication of rural poverty, it does not collect on a loan if a farmer's income drops below a certain level; instead it will lengthen the period of the loan, and in exceptional cases simply not collect the unpaid balance.

In the late 1960s FELDA became more conscious of the pressing social aspects of the development schemes. The new settler would find, wrote Alladin Hashim, settlement director, in 1971 that "the social setting in the scheme lacks the closeness and the sense of belonging and the kinship that he was used to . . . . He is therefore faced with establishing his new circle of friendship. This process is not easy and will require some time; in the intervening period he feels alone, insecure and isolated." Under these circumstances misunderstandings, resulting from lack of familiarity with the backgrounds of fellow settlers, easily arise. From the management point of view, Hashim continued, the "social aspect of a land scheme can not be left to develop and evolve at its own course and pace. Social change has to be induced, motivated, planned and directed. "

FELDA realized that it was faced with implementing a socioeconomic development program whose economic objectives had to be achieved through technical and material change and whose social objectives required attitudinal change; the time lag between these two changes is termed "cultural lag" in the development world. Thus, FELDA personnel took care to see that at the same time the settler received training in modem, agricultural extension methods and techniques, he also voluntarily received education that sought to inculcate in him a sense of self-reliance and responsibility by changing his "attitudes, thoughts, values, beliefs and behavior."

It also became increasingly apparent during that period that if the settlers were eventually to take over their projects from FELDA, their management and leadership skills would have to be developed along with their agricultural expertise. As these skills increased so would the settlers' participation in the management of the schemes.

In order to establish new pattems of leadership and to give to all the broadest experience possible, settlers are divided initially into blocks of 12 houses and placed under a block leader who is changed every month. The block leader is responsible for passing information from management to the block and in organizing gotong-royong activities. At the end of the first year two blocks are joined and the settlers choose a single leader from among themselves. New elections are held every two years. In the short run there is frequent turnover of leaders until the best emerges; in the long run there is great stability.

Block leaders sit on the Village or Scheme Development Council. The vice-chairman of the village council, chaired by the scheme manager, also sits on the Area Development Council that represents a grouping of 25 FELDA schemes. The vice-chairmen of the various area councils sit on a national-level development council, chaired by ALIAS, which concerns itself with policy matters. Settler representatives are chosen from among those sitting on the national council to represent settlers on the FELDA Board and on the boards of FELDA corporations. Thus settler participation now extends not only to daily operations, but also to management and decision-making.

Another important decision made by FELDA during ALIAS' first years was to go into the processing and marketing of the products coming from its steadily expanding schemes. The group felt that only in this way could it guarantee the settlers a good return from their crops. "With this decision," wrote ALIAS, FELDA "completed the chain of involvement, thus providing a completely integrated concept of agricultural development." FELDA manages eight corporations (engaged in trading, processing, marketing, transportation, agricultural services, engineering services and security), each with two settler representatives on its board. FELDA Stores Corporation, which was established first, handles food supplies for the schemes. In the beginning settlers got a M$150 advance per month for food and other supplies from the trading corporation, to be paid back when they began to earn an income of M$600-700 a month. As their incomes further increased they were encouraged to buy shares in the trading corporation from their savings. FELDA's goal is to have 49 percent of the stock of each corporation in the hands of settlers by 1985, and eventually to have settlers take over the management of all FELDA projects.

The authority also has five rubber processing plants, managed by FELDA Mills Corporation, but not all of its rubber is processed in FELDA plants. The authority sets up a rubber processing plant only if the price paid by nearby government or private factories fails to come within the prevailing market price. On the other hand FELDA has 35 mills for pressing palm oil—which handle 95 percent of its production— and one refinery. The refinery can process only 100,000 pounds of crude palm oil—out of a total FELDA production in 1980 of 550,000— so the government has agreed to allow FELDA to build another.

ALIAS points to the secondary industries spawned by these activities in assessing FELDA's accomplishments. When FELDA put up its first mill in 1967, about 90 percent of the machinery was imported; today in the new palm oil mills not more than 30 percent of the machinery is obtained outside Malaysia. Local industries have sprung up— with FELDA encouragement—to meet the needs.

Quality control is rigorous. The FELDA palm oil refinery, as well as other Malaysian palm oil refineries, was originally faced with European buyer resistance. The government therefore invited foreign buyers to visit the plants. They were surprised, ALIAS is pleased to report, "that Malaysia's plants were as modern as Japan's."

The charge of paternalism has been leveled at FELDA over the years, particularly when it tried to force settlers to save money as a cushion against price fluctuations in the international palm oil and rubber markets. In 1973 the price for palm oil was very low and settlers' incomes dropped drastically; they began to sell their oil palm fruits outside the FELDA schemes so that they could avoid deductions for repayments. Later when prices improved dramatically, ALIAS, with out bringing the settlers into the decision-making process, began to withhold 50 percent of income above M$500, depositing it under the individual's name in a FELDA account. The individual was given the interest from the deposit and was shown the accounts each month. The settler would have access to this savings when palm oil prices are at low levels. In two years FELDA collected about M$6 million. However, when the matter was brought to the attention of political leaders, they reacted strongly, pointing out to ALIAS that the money belonged to the farmers, not to FELDA, and FELDA had no right to decide for them how it should be used. ALIAS returned the money to its rightful owners, but he did not give up his idea. He went back to the government with the same plan of yearly income equalization. The government is reconsidering the program.

In the last few years FELDA has also experimented with alternate forms of ownership and management. It has set up plantations where workers are not given individual holdings but rather a share, equivalent to 10 acres, in the plantation as a whole. This system seems to be working quite well and to be conducive to a more equitable income distribution. As ALIAS notes, "income differences due to inherent soil characteristics and misfits of nature are minimized," and the problem of loan collection is overcome because the loan is taken out of the plantation profits before share earnings are paid. Absenteeism and slacking on the job are discouraged because group leaders take daily attendance and note whether a worker is shirking; if so he is penalized and the worker who takes up the slack is paid extra.

A question that has been frequently asked of FELDA officials by foreigners is, why do ethnic Malays make up 96 percent of FELDA's settler population when they constitute only 44 percent of the country's general population? Why is there not a proportionate number of Chinese (36 percent of the general population) and Indians (10 percent)? ALIAS responds that "FELDA obtains its settlers from the landless poor in the rural areas and here one particular community [the Malay] predominates." He also points out that "FELDA is a public body and as such exists to serve specific objectives set by the government." One of these objectives is to right the imbalance in income between the Malays (referred to as bumiputras, or sons of the land) and the Chinese and Indians who emigrated to the Malay peninsula during the British period; in 1800 Malays represented 90 percent of the population, by 1900 only 51 percent. However, in spite of their late arrival and smaller total numbers, the Chinese own or control "the lion's share of Malaysia's economic pie."

This imbalance constitutes a prime political problem. FELDA therefore has also tried to help meet the government objective of increasing Malay participation in the industrial-corporate sector to 30 percent by 1990. By encouraging Malay contractors and suppliers and by offering them practical education and advice, FELDA has already exceeded its 30 percent target by 8-9 percent. For example, if a small contractor tenders a bid that is either too high or too low, FELDA points out to him in the first instance that he must be more realistic, and in the second that he will lose money if his bid wins. "We also help them with quick payment so that they don't have to borrow too much money from the bank and pay a high interest," ALIAS notes.

In the early days non-Malaya tended to shy away from FELDA settlement schemes because of the lack of economic security, the negligible income, the regimentation imposed on the first settlers, and their desire to cultivate their own lands as they wished. Now that the schemes have proved to be viable the Chinese and Indian associations are bringing pressure to bear on FELDA for more non-Malay participation in the resettlement projects. ALIAS, however, points out that it is the prerogative of the states to make such political decisions.

ALIAS personally feels that education is a major factor in making Malays more responsive to the demands of modern society and in raising Malay incomes. Accordingly he is proud of the authority's record in promoting education. All settlements have primary schools. Except in large projects where secondary schools have been established, children attend secondary schools in nearby towns. FELDA uses profits from its various corporations to maintain hostels for them there, and settler leaders sit on the Hostel Advisory Committee. The brightest students are sent to Kuala Lumpur where there are presently 350 secondary and upper secondary students; and to Kuantan, a major port city on the east coast, where there are 150. "We hope that quite a number of these will go on to the university," ALIAS comments.

Education also helps give the children who leave the land some preparation for non-agricultural jobs. FELDA comes under the Group Settlement Area Act, under which fragmentation of property is not allowed. Only one child can inherit the land, but he must pay compensation to the others. The siblings who can not stay in the schemes must find work in factories, with the government or as small businessmen or artisans. In Johore State many have found jobs in the new port areas. Our intention, says ALIAS, is "to educate them so that they can get better jobs and be better citizens."

Social problems exist in FELDA schemes as elsewhere. Criminal activity, and drug addiction among youth, are, of course, not absent: when you have 60,000 families some people do commit crimes, ALIAS says. However if settlers are convicted of crimes they are evicted from the schemes; that is part of the agreement. Divorces also create social problems. In the traditional kampongs the future of the wife and children is arranged with the help of relatives and friends; in the schemes the settlers turn to FELDA to determine property disposition and interest of the spouse in FELDA land. ALIAS admits FELDA is not adequately equipped to resolve these issues, but, he adds, "if we are sincere in our objective of building modern settler communities we must give our attention to all sectors of society."

FELDA has grown from a staff of some 2,000 in 1970 to 14,000 in 1980. During this period it has managed more than 50 percent of the land developed by the public sector. Government loans and investment in FELDA amount to more than US$1 billion, making it one of the largest government agencies in Malaysia today. FELDA projects are currently producing about 25 percent of Malaysia's palm oil, and since only half the total 800,000 acres are in full production, FELDA's share may reach 30-35 percent in the next few years. The importance of this figure is evident when one realizes that Malaysia is the world's top exporter of palm oil.

FELDA also manages 300,000 out of Malaysia's 4,200,000 acres under rubber cultivation, and produces about 80,000 tons of rubber a year. It has 24,000 acres in cocoa as well, nearly one-fourth the country's total. "These are very viable economic projects," ALIAS says with pride, "but they require a lot of investment." FELDA is prepared to invest.

ALIAS feels that the authority can go on developing new land for the next 20 years, "if the state governments are generous enough." Malaysia (i.e. the states), he says, has another five to six million acres of cultivable land which FELDA could continue to develop at its present rate of 70,000-100,000 acres a year, using seedlings from its own research center. The center, opened in 1969, was developed primarily to provide planting materials for FELDA schemes and today can supply 8,000,000 oil palm seedlings annually.

ALIAS expects the state governments to be cooperative since they can see both FELDA successes and the need to supply land to their expanding populations. Sabah, one of the two Malaysian states on the island of Borneo, recently allocated to FELDA its first 250,000 acres of virgin territory for development. In preparing the land for smallholders FELDA intends to plant oil palm and cocoa, both of which mature in three years, rather than in rubber which takes five years to mature and is more labor intensive.

ALIAS does not see the massive destruction of virgin forest necessary to the land development schemes as a great threat to the environment. "I think at this point of time," he said recently, "the total area under agriculture in Malaysia is not more than about 26 percent," and he adds that a balance must be struck between keeping a forest and having hungry people. He also notes that if equalization of income is not to be carried out at the expense of one group or race, the economic "pie" has to be larger. Moreover, he feels that the problems of deforestation can be minimized, though not eradicated entirely, by proper land care which FELDA engages in. The first year of a development scheme, he acknowledges, there is a lot of damage to the land, but FELDA quickly plants a cover crop to minimize erosion until the trees can establish themselves and maintain soil control. The authority also takes care to protect the watershed; it does not cut above 750 feet or on a slope of more than 17 degrees.

In July 1977 when the first 262 settlers completed their repayments, their agreement with FELDA was of necessity redefined, since FELDA no longer had "any means of control over the activities of the settlers and the settlers had no obligation to FELDA." Both recognized the value of a continuing relationship, but with the settlers assuming a much greater share of the responsibility for the management of their lands. The government agreed to continue to provide technical and extension services "so that the settlers could maintain high standards of agriculture," and to provide central services such as purchasing and procurement of fertilizers and supplies, and processing and marketing of produce. The arrangement has enabled settlers to benefit both from large scale buying and selling and from FELDA expertise, and has continued as more and more settlers have achieved full ownership of land.

For his service with FELDA over the years ALIAS has received honors and awards from the federal government and three state governments, including the Distinguished Conduct and Meritorious Service medals from his home state of Negri Sembilan and the national Panglima Setia Mahkota (PSM, Loyal Commander of the Crown, 1979). In March 1980 FELDA, itself, was given Malaysia's distinguished Tun Abdul Razak Award, the first time it was presented to an organization. The citation described FELDA as having become a key agency in the eradication of rural poverty and thus, indirectly, of urban poverty as well. "This role of achievement," the citation reads, "does not mean that FELDA does not have problems—it does. But its dedication and commitment and the experience and skill of its officers prompt confidence in its ability to overcome them now and in the future." Needless to say, much of the credit for the authority's success is due to the long standing, dedicated service of its chief executive.

Throughout his years of government service ALIAS has accepted only his FELDA salary and fees as director of three private corporations; he accepts no emoluments for his services as director of FELDA’s eight subsidiary and two joint-venture corporations. Although he has been offered other important and higher paid jobs, he has opted to remain with FELDA "as long as there is work to be done."

Among his peers Raja MUHAMMAD ALIAS is known for his integrity. His colleagues agree that he works too hard and has little time for himself or his family, which includes a daughter, Alina (1 7) and two sons, Alizan (14) and Alizakri (11). ALIAS, however, thrives on hard work and on the results it produces and has no regrets about his lifetime of government service.

September 1980
Manila

REFERENCES:

Alias, Raja Muhammad. "Agricultural Land Settlement in the Malaysian Perspective." Presentation to Group Discussion. Transcript. Ramon Magsaysay Award Foundation. Manila September 1, 1980. (Typewritten.)

______. "Group Chairman's Review." FELDA Officers' Conference 1979. Kuala Lumpur:FELDA.

______. "A Macro View of FELDA. FELDA Officers' Conference 1977. Kuala Lumpur: FELDA.

______. Pioneering Into the Interior: Malaysian Experience. Kuala Lumpur: FELDA. October 1975.

Bahrin, Tunku Shamsul and P.D.A. Perera.FELDA 21 Years of Land Development. Kuala Lumpur: FELDA. 1977.

Borsak, Richard. "Felda: an Undoubted Economic Success," Business Times. Kuala Lumpur. August 29, 1978.

"Felda to Open Doors Wider: More Places for Non-Malays," New Sunday Times. Kuala Lumpur. September 2, 1979.

Gho, Calvin. "Razak Awards at Impressive Ceremony," New Sunday Times. Kuala Lumpur. March 12, 1980.

Hashim, Aladdin. "FELDA's Continuing Development Tasks." FELDA Officers' Conference 1979. Kuala Lumpur: FELDA. (Mimeographed.)

______. Some Notes on the Social Aspects of Land Development. (Supplementary Paper to Working Paper No. 9) FELDA Managers' Seminar 1971. Kuala Lumpur: FELDA.

"Interview of the Month: Raja Muhammad Alias," Malaysian Business. Kuala Lumpur. July 1977.

Kandiah, Peter. "The Felda Fiddle," The Star. Kuala Lumpur. March 23, 1979.

Lim Kean Lian. "Why Non-Malays Shy Away from Felda Schemes," New Sunday Times. Kuala Lumpur. November 23, 1979.

Loo Giap Seng. "Felda to Give Settlers More Say,"New Sunday Times. Kuala Lumpur. June 29, 1979.

MacAndrews, Colin. "Patterns and Uses of Land Settlement in South East Asia" Land Development Digest. Kuala Lumpur. Vol. I, no. 2, October 1978, p. 1-18.

Miller, Harry. A Short History of Malaysia. New York: Frederick A. Praeger. 1966.

"Problem of Felda Youths Hooked on Drugs,"New Sunday Times. Kuala Lumpur. May 4, 1979.

"Resettlement Plans to be Re-evaluated," New Sunday Times. Kuala Lumpur. May 4, 1979.

"Settlers Who are 'Buried' Under Dust and Ash," Straits Times. Singapore. January 8, 1979.

Umadevi, S. "Felda Chief: Need for 'Social Study,' " New Sunday Times. Kuala Lumpur. March 11, 1980.

Interviews with Raja Muhammad Alias and persons acquainted with his work. Visits to FELDA sites.