Born on January 10, 1922 at Sawahlunto, West Sumatra, where his father was a surgeon in the service of the Netherlands East Indies government, SOEDJATMOKO MANGUNDININGRAT's life-style was very different from that of the peasants whose poverty and powerlessness were to become the primary focus of his thinking and actions. The meaning and maintenance of freedom were also to become central issues in his life and here again his experiences had a direct bearing.

Both his father, Dr. Saleh Mangundiningrat, and his mother, Isnadikin, belonged to Javanese families which enjoyed access to education and position, allowed under Dutch colonial policy to relatively few Indonesians. SOEDJATMOKO was the eldest son in a close-knit family consisting of an older and a younger sister, an adopted brother and sister who were relatives taken into the family when they were small, and a younger brother. His preschooling and first two years of primary education were taken in Amsterdam where his father had been awarded a fellowship to study for his degree in surgery. However on their return to Indonesia SOEDJATMOKO discovered that his family's privileged position under the Dutch colonial system did not equate with equality with the Dutch who administered it. Thus at an early age he realized, he says, "that without equality, freedom could not exist, and that without freedom, equality was meaningless."

SOEDJATMOKO’s father, whose breadth of approach and generosity of spirit had a profound impact on his own intellectual and moral thinking, was committed to the struggle for Indonesian independence but was also deeply concerned with the problem of inner freedom. He assumed from the start that his son would participate in the nationalist movement, but when SOEDJATMOKO was 17 his father told him, after a quarrel, that he would not want him to join the struggle until he had learned to fight without hatred.

Although he observed rural poverty as a boy—when his father served as director of a hospital in Menado, North Sulawesi and in East Java where he stayed with his father's parents—he did not become intellectually engaged with the problem of poverty until age 18 when some student friends took him to visit the slum areas of Jakarta. "I was appalled by what I saw," he relates. "This traumatic experience led me increasingly to ask why poverty should exist, why Indonesia should be poor and what part social structures and human attitudes played in creating and maintaining it." Later he came to recognize "the centrality of the cultural dimension to all matters affecting development for people whose cultural background had denied them any experience of freedom." Understanding this to be a root problem, his life work has been "aimed at helping the ordinary Indonesian man and woman to free themselves from fear, and from the culture of fear that was rooted in both the colonial and indigenous feudal past. It is, in a sense, a simple objective but one that can only be achieved for the ordinary Indonesian—and millions more like him throughout the world—by a deep understanding and lucid articulation of the complex interactions of poverty, power and culture."

After the family returned to Indonesia SOEDJATMOKO had continued his elementary education through the sixth grade in a Dutch school in Menado, North Sulawesi and, at his father's next post in Surabaya, Java, he completed his seventh elementary grade, again in a Dutch school. Then, at age 14, his father informed him that, in accordance with his philosophy of life, he would ensure SOEDJATMOKO a good education, but would leave him no inheritance. In consequence, instead of attending the usual five-year secondary school, SOEDJATMOKO was one of nine Dutch and three Indonesians enrolled in a new Gymnasium in Surabaya which offered a six-year program in the usual arts and sciences, plus a four year program of Latin and Greek.

The strongest formative influence on the young SOEDJATMOKO besides his father was probably that of Marie Francken, a Dutch teacher of language and literature at this school who, he says, "opened my eyes to European civilization." Every Sunday for almost four years she taught a small voluntary group of private students the history of European art. "I had come to despise Europe in its colonial aspect," SOEDJATMOKO relates, but "she made me realize that there was another Europe, as well; that there were other manifestations to human civilization than just a colonial type of experience. I have always been grateful to her for that. Even during the period of Japanese occupation when she was interned I kept in touch with her." And still, whenever he travels to Europe he stops in Holland to see this now 82 year old woman who made the extra effort to broaden young minds.

SOEDJATMOKO credits to his father's influence on his intellectual development, the openmindedness that enabled him in his teens to appreciate Marie Francken. In his search for truth his father brought home books on history, philosophy and the development of science which he shared with his son as soon as the latter could read and comprehend. He exposed the boy to the main currents of the great world religions and himself eventually became a mystic. From daily experience with such inquiry, SOEDJATMOKO explains, "I grew up in that direction."

There was a basic difference in thinking: between father and son, however. "I did become familiar with the mystical aspects of religion but I can't call myself a mystic," SOEDJATMOKO says, "because I do not have that potential. . . .My analytical inclination stands in the way of the spiritual." His father, he adds, "was a very strong personality and at one point I rebelled, of course, and told him, 'Look, you are like the big banyan tree and I cannot grow under your shadow. I want to leave.' But by then the war had broken out and I could not leave. Still, from that time on he never really interfered with my life. We became very good friends after that."

It was at about this time that SOEDJATMOKO dropped his family name, partly to emphasize his sense of independence from his father but also because he felt that the name had a feudal connotation which conflicted with his growing awareness of the deep inequalities in Indonesian life.

Intending to follow his father's profession SOEDJATMOKO entered the Medical College in Jakarta in 1940. When the Japanese occupied the country in 1942 the medical students organized a protest strike and "got away with it with only a reprimand and some interrogation from the Japanese military command," SOEDJATMOKO recalls, but when they struck a second time in 1943 they were jailed and beaten and seven students were expelled by the Japanese authorities and forbidden to enter any school, among them SOEDJATMOKO.

The psychic effect of the medical school expulsion "was very deep," SOEDJATMOKO later recognized. "I had a recurring nightmare until I was about 40 years old about going into a laboratory with an assignment and then not knowing what to do. It was that deep trauma that made me afraid of not knowing enough."

Reflecting on the career he was to follow SOEDJATMOKO says, "I have been shaped by the history of my time in Indonesia rather than made my own choices." The Japanese occupation prevented him from becoming a doctor and "in a way opened my eyes to other horizons to the point that I did not want to be a doctor anymore when I had the opportunity." The revolution was already astir and "I was in that even before the beginning."

After his expulsion from medical school, SOEDJATMOKO went back home to work in his father's hospital in Solo. In the community where his parents lived were many Dutch missionaries whose homes the Japanese encouraged the people to raid and plunder. "In part I owe my education to those raids," he ruefully reports, "for all the libraries ended up in the flea market and I was eager to read. That is how I became acquainted with the European philosophers and theologians such as Kierkegaard and Karl Jaspers and other German philosophers and existentialists. "

In 1945 SOEDJATMOKO was asked by the fledgling Revolutionary Indonesian Republic to be Deputy Head of the Foreign Press Department of the new Ministry of Information. Then the Prime Minister asked him to edit a Dutch-language weekly, Het Inzicht (Insight), intended to maintain a degree of communication between the revolution and the Dutch. SOEDJATMOKO protested that he had never written anything, did not even know how a paper was produced and had never been inside a printing plant. The Prime Minister's reply, "I do not care, you do it," left him no choice but to learn on the job.

He must have learned well for two years later, with the journalist Rosihan Anwar, hc established a weekly magazine called Siasat (Strategy). This was inspired by the British weekly New Statesman and Nation. It is perhaps a measure of SOEDJATMOKO’s vision and determination that, only two years after a revolutionary government had been formed, he perceived the need for an independent, critical—but still revolutionary—journal of opinion for committed, socially concerned intellectuals. Siasat, despite all the predictable difficulties, survived for 13 years.

Although the first revolutionary clash with the Dutch in 1945 had been settled by British mediation, a second confrontation was becoming inevitable. The Prime Minister therefore picked SOEDJATMOKO and two other young men to find their way independently out of the country and to go to New York to be ready to present the Indonesian case at the United Nations and in the United States when the clash occurred.

They waited for two months in Singapore to obtain U.S. visas. Finally on their way, they passed through Manila for one night and were met unexpectedly by Senator Salipada Pendatun, a Muslim from the southern island of Mindanao, who took them to meet President Manuel Roxas at the presidential residence. "I will never forget," SOEDJATMOKO declares, "the spontaneous support given three young people, with no status whatsoever, who had been told to represent their unrecognized government when the time came at the Security Council." President Roxas volunteered to instruct the Philippine representative to the U.N., General Carlos P. Romulo, to support their cause. After the Dutch attack which came in 1947 Romulo showed the young Indonesians the instructions from Roxas upon which he had acted in support of Indonesian independence.

When he arrived in New York at age 25, SOEDJATMOKO says he "did not know a thing about international politics." Again learning on the job in the corridors of the United Nations he soon came to feel that he had a sense for this art but realized his judgment would "not be right" unless he knew more about economics. He must study again, he decided, as soon as independence was won.

The settlement at the Round Table Conference in the Hague in August-September 1949 ended Indonesia's armed struggle and international recognition of an independent Indonesia followed. That fall SOEDJATMOKO applied to Harvard's Littauer School of Public Administration and "was surprised to be accepted and even given a fellowship." He was ready to move to Massachusetts when word came that his resignation as a member of the Indonesian Mission to the U.N. had not been accepted, so throughout the next seven months he commuted by train between New York and Boston. "It was a bad way of studying," he says, "but it was the only way." The contrast between his position as a graduate student "where my world was just a pile of books" and as one of his country's negotiators at the United Nations made him realize the awful responsibility he had in the latter role and strengthened his determination to qualify himself better by persevering with the former. But since he had had no course in economics in the classical and medical schools he had attended, he found himself "being taught by people with great names in the field and did not understand what they were saying." He cabled a friend in Holland to send him a secondary school text on economics in Dutch which he quickly read and reread; thereafter he could follow the discussions.

While preparing for his second semester midterm examination he was called to London to take over the Netherlands East Indies Section of the Dutch Embassy in preparation for the establishment of an Indonesian embassy there. The two-month extension given on his midterm examination expired during his stay in London as Indonesia's first chargé d'affaires there which was prolonged to three months until the first ambassador arrived.

Next assigned on the outbreak of the Korean war to set up the political section of the new Indonesian Embassy in Washington, and to serve concurrently as Alternate Permanent Representative of Indonesia to the U.N. he regretfully recognized that he could not commute between Washington, New York and Harvard and that was the end of his attempt "at getting a regular education."

In late 1951 SOEDJATMOKO began to hear reports that the initial idealism of the Indonesian revolution was waning and that more and more Indonesian administrators from the colonial period were holding influential posts. He decided to return home, but felt he must first determine his own political position. He had looked upon himself as a leftwing socialist but he was now no longer certain what the term meant. In response to his cable of irrevocable resignation his principals in Indonesia asked what he wanted to do. Learning that he planned to travel in Eastern and Western Europe, the government offered to continue paying his salary if he would write a report on his findings. "I was young enough to be very proud," SOEDJATMOKO said, "and to say no. I wanted to travel as an independent—a free intellectual."

So, using his small savings, he set out in 1951 on a tour of personal political discovery, journeying for a period of nine months to many places in Eastern and Western Europe. He talked with a wide variety of people from different walks of life and political orientations, including many socialist leaders. "I thought that in some cases the European industrialists I met had more vision than the politicians." He returned to friends in Holland realizing that none of the European ideologies provided ready-made solutions for Indonesia's needs. In Holland he went through a period of mental and emotional anguish: "I had no point of reference anymore." After recovering for two months he decided to make one more visit, this time to Yugoslavia, which had just broken out of the Russian orbit.

In Yugoslavia SOEDJATMOKO met a man who impressed him deeply—Milovan Djilas who was then in charge of press and propaganda for Marshal Tito. He recalls Djilas' openness of mind and his breadth of vision: "He forecast many of the things that were going to happen— but, of course, he did not foresee what would happen to himself." (Elected president of the National Assembly in 1953, Djilas and Vladimir Dedijer called on the one party government to prove it was democratic and allow a second party. Both men were arrested and accused of trying to destroy Yugoslavia's Communist party, but, after their trial in early 1955, they were allowed to go free.)

At the end of his European visit he still did not know where he stood politically but he had learned that there were no easy answers. He knew he was "not a communist nor a leftwing socialist and not a rightist either; none of the political approaches that these labels stood for seemed relevant to the kind of problems Indonesia faced." With this knowledge, at least, he was ready to go home in a sober intellectual mood.

Shortly after his return to Indonesia in late 1952 he had a series of conversations with President Sukarno about national development and appealed to Sukarno to "re-kindle" the revolution.

SOEDJATMOKO rejoined Siasat magazine as editor and also became associate editor of Pedoman (Directions), the daily newspaper published by the same group, and in 1954 became director of Pembangunan, a book publishing and distribution company. Not involved in the party politics of the day, his writings gave him a measure of influence in the moderate wing of the socialist party.

In 1955 SOEDJATMOKO served as adviser to the Indonesian delegation at the Afro-Asian Conference in Bandung which developed the concept of a Third World not aligned with either the so-called Free World or the Communist World. From 1956 to 1959 he was elected to the Constituent Assembly as a member of the Partai Socialis Indonesia (PSI, Indonesian Socialist Party) but he did not join the interparty struggles then taking place. He preferred to express his ideas from an independent standpoint and increasingly did this through his writing.

SOEDJATMOKO was now 34 and unmarried. "I was too involved in trying to find out what life was about and what I was about in the political and religious sense," he explains, "and so I had roamed the world, inner and outer space until I was 34 and beginning to know myself." At this age, in 1956, he first met Ratmini Subranti Gandasubrata, a painter and teacher of design and, when chance brought them together again two years later, they decided within two months to get married. Their three daughters, Kamala Chandra-Kirana (age 17), Isna Marifa (15), and Galuh Wandita (12) have taken their father's only name as a new family name.

When Sukarno appointed himself as the formateur of an extraparliamentary cabinet, he had expected SOEDJATMOKO’s willingness to join such a cabinet which excluded the then major Muslim party. When SOEDJATMOKO declined, Sukarno sent Prime Minister Soebandrio to SOEDJATMOKO’s home to convey to him Sukarno's disappointment and anger. It led to the rupture of a warm relationship which had survived often vigorous debate and disagreement.

The launching of Sukarno's "Guided Democracy" in 1957 was deeply disturbing to SOEDJATMORO and his associates. Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly followed in 1959 and in 1960 the PSI was banned. From as early as March 1958 Pedoman had been periodically banned, and with it the journal Siasat, because of editorials critical of government policy and in 1960 it was permanently dosed and its printing press expropriated by the government.

Throughout this period SOEDJATMOKO used quiet reasoned arguments to oppose Sukarno's moves toward thought control and a closed society. When a student leader requested his help in finding financing to publish an underground paper against Sukarno, SOEDJATMOKO refused even to discuss the subject. His insistence on being open and aboveboard was misinterpreted by activists as a fear of discovery by the secret police and concern for his personal safety, but he was convinced that social change could best be effected by giving political forces free and open play. He took the risk of becoming a co-founder and subsequently general secretary of the Democratic League which in April 1960 made a brave effort to turn the rising tide of communist influence and Sukarno domination. When this effort failed, SOEDJATMOKO accepted the invitation from Cornell University in New York to be Guest Lecturer in Southeast Asian History and Politics. While there during 1961-1962 he used his spare time to read and think, availing himself of the libraries and the opportunities of discussion with learned, thoughtful people; pondering his own political philosophy, he honed his ideas on development.

Declining an offer to stay on at Cornell, SOEDJATMOKO returned home and immediately upon arrival went to see the Prime Minister. He asked him, in light of the fact that a number of opposition leaders, including those of PSI, had been arrested during his stay in the U.S., whether he wanted to arrest him as well. "No," the Prime Minister replied: "the wave is over." With both Pedoman and Siasat closed, SOEDJATMOKO decided it best under the circumstances not to rejoin Pembangunan and stayed home to remain unemployed until the political changes in 1965/66.

Following the aborted communist coup in Jakarta the night of September 30-October 1, 1965, and the subsequent fall of the aging Sukarno, SOEDJATMOKO was called to public service again. When his country rejoined the United Nations (1966) he served as vice chairman of the Indonesian delegation and in 1967 as adviser to the delegation. From 1967 to 1977 he was personal adviser to Foreign Minister Adam Malik, serving concurrently from 1968 to 1971 as Indonesian Ambassador to the United States.

During his U.S. tour of duty his acquaintance with people concerned with the development process—in government, learned societies, foundations and universities—grew and deepened. A widely read, articulate Third World intellectual whose parameters were global, he was frequently invited to discuss, speak and write on various aspects of development. In recognition of his spreading reputation, honorary doctorates were bestowed on him by Cedar Crest College, Pennsylvania (1969), and Yale University (1970), and he was elected an International Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (1971).

Upon his return to Indonesia in 1971 he received the Piagam Anugerah, Pendidikan, Pengabdian den Ilmu Pengetahuan (Meritorious Award for Education, Science and Service to the Nation) and was appointed as Special Adviser on Social and Cultural Affairs to the Chairman of the National Development Planning Agency (BAPPENAS). In 1973-1974 he was adviser to both the National Defense College (LEMHANAS) and the National Security Council (WANHANKAMNAS). Malik continued to seek his advice on foreign policy despite a false accusation in 1974 that cast a long shadow.

The visit of Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka in January of that year was the occasion of student riots which SOEDJATMOKO was accused of masterminding. Forged documents referred to a secret meeting where he was identified as the directing hand, but the allegations could not be proved because no such meeting took place and he had not been involved in any way. Nevertheless he was interrogated for two and a half weeks and was placed under virtual "country arrest" for the next two and a half years (1974-1976). His caution and circumspection throughout those years were again scorned by activists while calmer heads, taking the long view, lauded his integrity, persistent stress on learning and reason and continuous encouragement of open discourse. Internationally his country detention drew widespread protest because he was recognized as a leading theoretician on Third World development.

He was, and remains, a member of and active participant in a number of senior international "think tanks." In 1967 he had joined the International Institute for Strategic Studies, the London-based independent center for study, research and debate on the problems of international security, conflict resolution and arms control. He served as a Board member of the International Institute for Environment and Development also based in London (1971-1976) and has been a member of its Advisory Council since then. The institute which monitors and analyzes international policies and activities affecting environment, their interrelationships and consequences, is funded by private foundations and various governments. He has also been a member of the Club of Rome since 1971. The club, founded in 1968 by 30 scientists, educators, economists, humanists, industrialists and national and international civil servants, seeks to foster an understanding of the interrelationship of economics, politics and the social and natural components that make up the global system, and bring the results of its study to the attention of political leaders and the public. He has served from 1972 as trustee of the Ford Foundation of New York, which assists development projects around the world, and been a governor of the Asian Institute of Management based in Manila (1972-1973) and of the International Development Research Center (l973 -1977) created in 1970 and financed solely by the Canadian Parliament to support research in five sectors (agriculture, food and nutrition sciences; health sciences; information sciences; social sciences; communications) designed to adapt science and technology to the needs of developing countries.

His humanistic interests have been furthered by his membership in the Institute of Humanistic Studies (Aspen, Colorado) and his trusteeship of the Institute for Religion and Social Change (Honolulu). He has been on the Advisory Committee of the Human and Social Development Program of the United Nations University (Tokyo) since 1975. Originally proposed by Secretary-General U Thant, the university is an international community of scholars engaged in research and postgraduate training which seeks to disseminate knowledge and facilitate the growth of vigorous academic and scientific communities, especially in developing nations.

He is also an honorary member of the Siam Society of Thailand, and sits on the Board of Visitors of the Department of Economics of Boston University (1978 to date), and on the Advisory Board of the Institute for Study of World Politics (New York) and the Editorial Board of Alternatives, a journal of world policy.

In 1971 SOEDJATMOKO was co-convertor, together with John D. Rockefeller 3rd of New York and Saburo Okita of Japan (1971 Ramon Magsaysay Awardee for International Understanding for "sustained and forceful advocacy of genuine Japanese partnership in the economic progress of her Asian neighbors"), of the first Williamsburg Meeting (held in Williamsburg, Virginia, USA) on problems of Asia and the Pacific, and has acted in this capacity for successive annual meetings.

In Indonesia his institutional associations are equally wide-ranging. He is a member of the Jakarta Academy of leading intellectuals and artists, an adviser to the Association for the Advancement of the Social Sciences (HIPIS), and the Foundation for the Traditional Arts (Yayasan Seni Tradisionil), a Trustee of the Social Sciences Foundation (Yayasan Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial), and in the 1950s was honorary secretary of the Indonesian Institute of World Affairs and a trustee of the Indonesian Red Cross.

Enhancing his reputation at home and abroad have been the papers and articles he has written for international symposia and conferences sponsored by these groups and others, for university convocations and for journals. Many of these have been translated into several European and Asian languages and published in the Philippines, Japan, Australia, the United Kingdom, Holland, Italy and the United States as well as in Indonesia. He has also published two books, An Introduction to Indonesian Historiography (co-ed.) in 1965 and SoutheastAsia Today and Tomorrow in 1969.

SOEDJATMOKO paraphrased a lecture he gave at Asia House in New York in 1970 in a paper prepared for the meeting of the Southeast Asia Study Group on Cultural Relations for the Future, held in Bangkok in 1975 and which he was not permitted by his government to attend. In it he identified the problems faced by Third World intellectuals:

"To define the problems of their societies in terms of their new sense of national purpose, to sharpen the vision of the kind of society they want theirs to transform into, to relate emerging value patterns to changing social realities, to illuminate the road ahead, to identify pitfalls and constantly to search out alternative roads, to find the significance of each new development in relation to the common goals."

The intellectual, he added, needs courage, tenacity, flexibility and an understanding of his own society because he must maintain a continuing commitment to "increasing rationality, widening the area of freedom and emancipation, nurturing civility in politics, building respect for the basic civil and human rights [while] maintaining the pressure for modernization" within his society and between his society and others.

His commitment, of necessity, is a political one (SOEDJATMOKO admits his hypothetical intellectual has an "Indonesian cast and personal character") but despite his

"fascination with power and irrespective of his place and role in the power game, an intellectual should not lose himself entirely in waging the political battles of the day. . . .His most important, most enduring contribution lies in changing the perception by his nation of the problems it faces, in changing the capacity of the nation to respond to new problems, in changing the terms in which political struggle will be waged, in defining the issues around which political forces will range themselves, in changing the criteria for leadership performance. . . . [In essence! his basic concern and responsibility is the modernization of politics as a prelude to the depoliticization of modernization and development."

One other crucial function the Third World intellectual must perform, SOEDJATMOKO emphasized, "is the linkage with a rapidly changing outside world that itself is in crisis and bound to affect the fate of his country for better or worse." Like his colleagues in the developed world, he will have no ready answers, a circumstance "which emphasizes the extent to which all, rich or poor, developed or developing, are interdependent in facing the great and urgent problems of our near future." Different perspectives, he notes, which emerge from different life experiences "may help sensitize us to other modes of living, other forms of social and political organization than those presented from the perspective of one's own culture alone and may enrich the common fund of human experience from which eventually elements may be drawn to shape new and more tolerable life."

The Third World intellectual, as SOEDJATMOKO knew from personal experience, is frequently exposed to risks of jail, unemployment, loss of integrity and irrelevance—"which might be the most humiliating experience"—but, he said, "he must fight for the freedom he craves to function properly and his performance to an important extent will determine the strength of the intellectual institutions and the standards and criteria of performance by which intellectuals should operate."

Referring to those who may think that overweening pride or self confidence is an affliction of intellectuals SOEDJATMOKO concluded:

"I would like to say that intellectuals in a developing society have come to realize too vividly the strength of the irrational forces involved in the process of nation-building for them to be able to afford the luxury of arrogance. . . .The big issues of politics and the human condition are in truth intractable. . . . We keep throwing stones which will disappear with scarcely a ripple much less influence the course or speed of rushing water. Still we are bound to keep on throwing our pebbles or our rocks. . .for it is not success or failure that is the measure of the meaning of man's life."

In pursuit of his calling as a Third World intellectual, to which "the history of his time" has led him, SOEDJATMOKO has analyzed the basic aspects of the development challenge in Indonesia and has taken a lead in analyzing the discrepancy between development plans and goals in the Third World and actual accomplishments. In a memo for discussion entitled "Technology, Development and Culture," prepared for a meeting of the Institute for Religion and Social Change in 1972, he points out that contrary to expectation industrialization in the more populous nations of the Third World has not resulted in decreasing unemployment, in part because of the explosive rise in population. The same phenomenon is observed in the field of education and for the same reason. In fact the educational system itself may have increased the problems of urban unemployment by creating a "brain drain" from the villages to the towns. What is needed, he suggested, is a "relevant development strategy aimed at growth, employment and social justice, local initiative, creativity and self-reliance."

Again in other writings he recognized that between the end of World War II and the mid-1960s development was perceived both by the developed and the developing worlds as a simple process of applying capital and skills where necessary. But this has not proved successful. On the contrary, under this simple approach to development the gap between the rich and poor nations as well as between the rich and poor within each nation state, seems to have grown. Social technology, he points out, "has not found the answers to such key problems as how to energize or set development in motion and how to harmonize the process of development."

Furthermore the industrialization patterns practiced by the developed states (found mostly in the northern hemisphere) are now recognized as ecologically wasteful and destructive. "The Third World [developing states primarily of the southern hemisphere] cannot afford to replicate this model," he says, especially with the staggering populations the Third World is faced with by the year 2000.

"The pressure of population increase and the need of creating employment for the rapidly growing labor force have important cultural implications ignored at peril to the developing society. The increasing social tensions of the coming decade stemming from the discrepancy between the slowness of the development process and the heightened expectations of the general public is one dimension of this cultural crisis. This discrepancy stems partly from the sluggishness of the political system in adjusting to the legitimate demands for social justice and human rights.

"A second dimension is the need to develop capabilities that will enable the Third World to maintain cultural identity and autonomy in the face of the powerful impact of modern mass communications. The Third World must guard against becoming vulnerable to the disintegrative impact of the cultural crisis in industrial countries. Developing countries need a future perspective and value pattern that will enable them to shape a different kind of society and culture than what are called the industrial . . . mass communication societies.

"While rich industrial nations will have to adjust to a world of increasing scarcities, developing countries must find alternative societal models, alternative growth paths more within their own resources, ecologically less destructive and wasteful and more capable of providing a meaningful life at what for a rather long time will have to be low levels of per capita income.

"The third dimension must be to work out regional cooperation taking into account the cultural pluralism of the region. The articulation of future expectations within the horizon of feasibility requires non-materialistic developmental drives and motivations and emphasis on sharing and cooperation in pursuit of development goals that are not imitations of advanced industrial societies but autonomous. Such an articulation very much depends on the way a nation perceives its purposes and meaning of life on an individual level . . . and on finding continued enjoyment and fulfillment in its own culture."

Writing on "Nationalism and Internationalism, a Third World View," in 1975 SOEDJATMOKO noted three fundamental changes that had occurred in the past 25 years: 1) the new technology of weapons and communications, 2) increasing interpenetration in relations between nation states and 3) the growing awareness of the finiteness of physical resources. Two other processes were taking place which had been less noticed and studied: 1) movement of industry from the industrialized northern hemisphere to the less developed southern hemisphere in order to take advantage of the closeness to raw materials cheap and plentiful labor and 2) the massive migration of population across national boundaries. These changes present political and social problems, particularly to the Third World.

The gross imbalance of economic and political power between industrialized world and the Third World has led to a sense on the of the latter of "dependency and vulnerability." A further destabilizing factor is that foreign investment tends to develop its own ties with power structure in the country of investment and also shows up weakness and ineffectiveness of the domestic sector of its economy.

These factors have caused the countries of the South to feel that as long as the international economy is dominated by the North, they are not able to develop freely. This has led to a sense of "new development nationalism" on the part of the Third World and a call for a global redistribution of power and industrial capacity. SOEDJATMOKO himself calls for new arrangements and institutions which link producers and consumers together in a relationship of equality and a more rational and equitable management of resources, trade, markets and global monetary stability. He points out that none of the producer/consumer problems concerning raw materials can be solved in isolation. "The moral legitimacy and persuasive power of any concept formulated by the North and South," however, will depend, he notes, on where the poorest sector of the world, the resource-poor Fourth World "fits into t scheme." He concludes by saying:

"What is needed is an international order capable of facilitate the major structural changes that will be necessary to insure the survival of freedom, justice and civility in a world of scarcity without doing violence to the pluralism that is an essential precondition for the viability of any international system—not a single ideology but a new set of perspectives shared by all of whatever ideology or social or political system."

Cultural development has concerned SOEDJATMOKO as much economic development and he has written searching treatises on the soul and society, religions and the development process, art and modernization, creativity as an essential element in development, and the university and the global community. He has posited cultural and traditional values in the relationships of the future and has examined cultural values from the point of view of economic development as motivations to progress and as obstacles to development research. He has also looked at cultural values in relation to Southeast Asian regional cooperation and to the identity of Third World countries.

Delivery of basic services to meet basic needs is not enough, he has written, "a whole society must be dynamized," including the most backward sector which in Asia is the rural sector. Noting that farmers are "not dumb," and that their conservatism, skepticism and passivity are a reaction to exploitation by central governments "to support the bureaucracy, the economic elite and even the urban middle class and poor," he states that "better food, housing, services and education will not in themselves revitalize the rural areas." Rural people must "regain confidence in themselves." This cannot be programed, it must be done by each nation and in its own way. Cuba has done it through sports and the easiest way for people of Southeast Asia—in particular Indonesians and Filipinos—to express themselves, he believes, is through religion and the arts. He suggests:

"We can only remain human beings if we learn to develop within ourselves some sort of inner life. A much greater realization of self then is possible. Art and religion must be fostered. Otherwise in a crowded world of twice as many people we will live in a jungle. . . .

"The constant and continuing challenge religion faces in a period of social transformation, with its passionate absolutisms and inclinations toward violent action, is to provide a structure of meaning reaching beyond politics, to relate to the course of human events and man's response and action to moral purpose, remind him of man's inherent inadequacy and teach him the humility of mind needed in dealing with history, massive processes of change and the constructs of one's own thought."

He sees religion as a compassionate motivating force for social change which must be rediscovered and understood in its pluralistic manifestations. Societies are pluralistic and thus man's understanding of God is also non-monolithic. The individual, as he seeks to redefine his relationship to his natural and social environment, SOEDJATMOKO declares, needs to rediscover his awareness "of the transcendental dimension to human life and human destiny, to society and the unfolding of human events we call history. For it is only in God that man becomes himself."

His personal quest for spiritual understanding has led him back to Islam as his father hoped. At one point SOEDJATMOKO remembers, his father said to him, "I am quite happy to see the way you have grown although you have not gotten a degree or finished your study. There is only one thing that I see lacking—you do not know anything about Islam and you should know that God, as it says in the Koran, is closer to you than your jugular vein." He expressed surprise that his father, having given him the kind of education he had, was now telling him this, but his father replied that he had returned to Islam and thought it was time for his son to do so also. "Much later, on my own and for different reasons, I came back," SOEDJATMOKO relates; "now I am prepared to say I am a Muslim although not necessarily a good one, but I am a Muslim. "

SOEDJATMOKO’s tours of duty and conference visits to the United States have prompted analytical articles on American stereotypes and realities from a foreign visitor's view. One such article questioned whether America was listening to Asia, pointing out that the "main characteristic of our time will be not application of power to resolve international misunderstanding, but diplomatic negotiations based on clearer perceptions of each other's interests [and a] greater capacity to convey and articulate one's own interest in a dialogue of interests, aspirations and fears."

At the Fifth Williamsburg Meeting which took place in October 1975 SOEDJATMOKO set up an agenda for discussion of the national and international implications in non-communist Southeast Asia of the successful communist political/military takeover in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. In connection with this agenda he suggested that the development policies—political, social and economic—of the non-communist nations must be rethought to enable them to compete successfully with communism and suggested that some new forum may be necessary to allow both communist and non-communist Southeast Asian powers "to clarify to each other their views, fears, expectations and intentions and to state their perceptions of their own national interests before some degree of mutual understanding can grow on which a set of viable balances can be reached."

His wide-ranging interests have also prompted SOEDJATMOKO to write on specific subjects such as U.S. development aid to Southeast Asia; the scope and limitations of China's external policies; Japan as an architect of a post-nuclear world order, and the Japanese contribution to the economic development of the area of Southeast Asia. He has also analyzed the new multipolarity of the 1970s, the direction of the women's movement, the role of political parties, and more esoteric subjects such as the Malay language as a case study in cultural contacts and systems analysis in the sociocultural setting of Indonesia.

SOEDJATMOKO’s manner reflects the contradiction in his life of being both doer and thinker. At ease in any company and an engaging conversationalist, he is outgoing and at the same time remote. Offsetting his typically relaxed, benign expression are his direct eyes magnified by black-framed thick lenses. Trimly built, of medium height, with thinning black hair, he customarily wears either a neat safari jacket or a Western style suit and for formal occasions dons the Indonesian petje (round-crowned, brimless black velvet cap).

He has taken seriously his clan responsibilities as well as his role as an intellectual thinker and prodder and enjoyed what he considers his "greatest diplomatic achievement" when he persuaded members of his large paternal family to stop quarreling over the division of lands and instead put all their holdings into a foundation to provide income to care for elderly members.

Speaking of himself and others like him who seek new ways to energize development he says:

"We are all part of what one may call a brotherhood composed of many brotherhoods whose paths cross in a commitment to trying to do something about the majority of people in the world who are entrapped in conditions of poverty, inequality and injustice. More and more one develops a sense of not being alone, of being a part of a fraternity, and also a sense that when we speak about development we do not speak about economics but about conditions of human growth that have to do with the realization of the human potential all over the world. We share essential values we all will need while the world is transforming itself into something much better than it is today."

September 1978
Manila

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